Dear members of the Coordination Council,
the United Transitional Cabinet,
Dear Belarusians!
I came to you today to talk frankly about the current political situation and problems. And outline the priorities of the work of democratic forces for the near future.
No one can deny that since 2020 the situation inside Belarus has worsened dramatically. According to the UN, up to 500,000 people have left Belarus. At least 1,407 non-governmental organizations have been liquidated. 3178 people have been recognized as extremists. All 11 independent political parties have been closed, the last one last week.
The number of people who have been detained on political grounds has exceeded 48,000. Just in August of this year, an average of 20 people were arrested per day. Although we usually talk about 1,500 political prisoners, the real number is multiples higher. At least 23 people have died at the hands of the regime, the last of them being Ales Pushkin, whom many of those present here used to know personally.
Behind these dry numbers are people, mothers, fathers, and children, whose lives have been damaged. 9 million have become hostages of a sadist whose life goal is to retain power.
He never admitted his defeat and did not leave – peacefully, as Belarusians demanded. On the contrary, he has solicited Russian support is turning the country into a concentration camp. Authoritarianism in Belarus is rapidly turning into totalitarianism. Repression has become the major political tool. This is all he can offer Belarusians.
The regime is no longer even trying to hide its face and cover itself with the law. Belarus has seen a legal, moral, and political default. Bandit organizations like GUBAZIK have received unlimited powers and replaced the law.
Neither sanctions nor numerous attempts at negotiations have led to the release of political prisoners. On the contrary, the freezing of new sanctions over the past year and a half have only led to the escalation of repression. The dictator is afraid to release even the old and sick – he is afraid to show weakness and humanity. The crackdown is so deeply rooted into politics that any warming can bring down the entire system and its power.
Our country and our people are getting poorer. The private sector is collapsing. The creative class is leaving. And this happens not through sanctions, but through incompetent management. People do not see any prospects under this regime.
Yes, it has managed to keep the economy from collapsing, primarily thanks to Russia, thanks to loopholes in sanctions. But the way it has put the country on is a dead end.
The dictator would not have survived without the support of Russia. In return, he sells Belarusian sovereignty and independence – something that does not belong to him. With his consent, there are several thousand Russian soldiers in the country, along with the Wagner mercenaries. Their goal is not to attack Ukraine, but to control Belarus. Russia is absorbing the Belarusian economy, legislation is being unified with the Russian legal system.
The dictator has declared war on everything that represents Belarusian national identity. They repress books, songs, and our language. Lukashenka sees a threat to his power in them. This makes Lukashenka's dictatorship unique in its own way – history knows no examples of a dictator voluntarily destroying the statehood of his own country.
Dear friends,
We have found ourselves in a completely new reality. A terrible and unfair reality, but we have no right to give up.
If we surrender to tyranny, then all our efforts, all our sacrifices, and the heroism of our comrades were in vain.
We have no right to stop until everyone is freed from prisons. And I want to emphasize so that every regime supporter hears me – we will not stop until we get our country back.
You know, I make calls with Belarusians every week. I talk to those who are inside the country. And I feel their support. Every day our chatbot receives messages from Belarusians who want to act, but do not know what to do because of the terror.
If someone says that Belarusians have made peace with the situation and are ready to “turn over the page”, it is not true. Many are waiting for a new moment of opportunity, and we all should be prepared for this moment. Accumulate resources, don't waste energy, don't put people in danger.
There are also people who are disappointed, tired, and have left politics. The repressions and everything the regime does is aimed at this – to discourage and debilitate.
Many Belarusians would want to see a vision from us – where we are going, what we are fighting for. What will happen after Lukashenka? Then, in 2020, there was no time to talk about it. Now is the time, and this is just what will give people hope.
You and I have enough tools to convey our opinion to Belarusians inside the country. And this will be confirmed by the editors of all independent media: the majority of their audience is in Belarus. Yes, they click and like less – because it is dangerous, but they secretly read independent information and pass it on to their neighbors.
Obviously, there's a problem that we're creating little content that people are interested in domestically. There is an opinion that we are breaking away from people in Belarus. And we must not let this gap – between those who left and those who stayed – grow further.
Today, the Belarusian diaspora is the main engine of our movement. Civil society has recovered from repression and continues its work in exile. Cultural, educational, scientific, and environmental initiatives – many have relocated entire offices, but continue their work, including with their volunteers in Belarus.
Belarusians abroad unite and conduct joint projects and campaigns. Yesterday I was in Wroclaw. Belarusians organized a simply fantastic festival of Belarusian culture. There was a full hall of people eager to do something. We held a solidarity rally in support of Palina Sharenda-Panasiuk. Maybe that step was symbolic, but it was important.
An excellent example of cooperation between diasporas in different countries is the People's Embassies project. What they do together and how they self-organize is simply phenomenal. It is possible – and necessary – to include initiatives of the diaspora and civil society in the activities of the democratic forces, and first of all in the work of the Coordination Council.
I am glad that the democratic forces finally have a clear and transparent structure. They have the Coordination Council as a proto-parliament. They have the United Transitional Cabinet as a proto-government. There is coordination and mutual accountability. But I still feel that not all organizations and parties who could be a part of our work have joined us.
Democratic forces must speak with a unified voice on the international stage. Perhaps Mr. Latushka will not agree with me, but we already have an international coalition of allies. They themselves will not develop a strategy for Belarus – we must do it and offer it to them.
We have so far managed to keep Belarus on the agenda, although it is becoming increasingly difficult. We need to explain that supporting Belarus is not charity, but an investment in peace and stability throughout Europe.
We have managed to achieve significant changes in the attitude towards Belarusians among the international community. We convey that Belarusians are not equal to the regime. That Belarus is not Russia. Representatives of the democratic community are increasingly invited to international venues.
During the UN General Assembly, I held more than 30 meetings with leaders and ministers of a number of countries. The level and geography of the meetings we have can be overwhelming. But there is no need to succumb to euphoria – no matter how powerful our allies are, they will not make changes for us. This is our task.
Undoubtedly, the greatest successes are in the European direction. Groups of Friends of Belarus have been established in two dozen national parliaments. The Contact Group with the Council of Europe and the Consultative Group with the EU have been launched. These sites should be considered as tools for the integration of democratic Belarus into the European space.
In August, at the New Belarus Conference, we adopted a declaration on the membership of Belarus in the European Union. This is now our strategic goal. This decision was warmly welcomed in the European Parliament, Kyiv, and Washington. However, declaring does not mean doing. We need to popularize the European choice among Belarusians as an alternative to the aggressive and toxic “Russian world”.
We very much expect that a special US envoy to Belarus will be appointed in the coming weeks. And in December, we will launch the Strategic Dialogue with Washington. The voice of the US can play a decisive role when discussing the post-war future of Belarus. Belarus must not become a consolation prize for Putin.
Since March, our relations with Ukraine have significantly improved. In August, I appointed Henadzi Manko as the Head of the Mission of Democratic Belarus in Kyiv. There are regular meetings with President Zelenskyy's Office, the Verkhovna Rada, and common conferences, such as the Astrozhski Forum.
The attitude towards Belarusians among Ukrainians has also changed. The main merit here, undoubtedly, goes to the Belarusian soldiers from the Kastus Kalinouski Regiment, the Volat Battalion, and other units. We need to continue providing assistance to Belarusian volunteers. Several humanitarian aid packages and cars have been delivered from the Cabinet and the Office. Belarusian diasporas are constantly contributing. When you are on the front line, every bit of support is important.
We understand that our volunteers in Ukraine with their experience will become the core of the new Belarusian army. And it is important now to think in this direction. For example, the Heraldry Council has developed a new system of military awards and ranks.
Visualization of New Belarus should become our first priority. We must answers the questions: What will happen after Lukashenka? According to which Constitution will new elections be held? What will the reforms in the economy look like?
We already have the draft Concept of the Transition Period ready, and in the coming weeks, we will submit it for public discussion and hold hearings in the Coordination Council. And it is very important that Belarusians within the country also participate in the discussion of this document.
Also, together with human rights defenders, we have presented the project of the Concept of Restitution for Repressed Individuals – it is about restoring justice. The state must guarantee that what was taken away will be returned, and people will receive compensation.
The second priority is support for the repressed already today. We need more campaigns like the recent solidarity marathon. Already 900 political prisoners have served their sentences – many urgently need relocation and rehabilitation. Germany, Norway, and Italy are already helping us with this, but this is not enough. We are working to create an international fund to help the repressed, and we count on the help of Belarusian businesses abroad. We will continue to raise the issue of political prisoners at every meeting, at every forum. Use all means to release them.
The third priority is bringing the perpetrators to justice. Before committing crimes for the regime, they should know that nothing will be forgotten. That is why it is so important to document human rights violations, to collect documents for individual sanctions and for future courts – Belarusian human rights defenders are already doing this together with international partners.
The UN has recognized that crimes against humanity are taking place in Belarus. We will strive for criminal cases under universal jurisdiction, as was the case with Yury Harauski. We will work to commence proceedings in the International Criminal Court and the International Court of the United Nations.
We are closer than ever to a warrant for Lukashenka's arrest for kidnapping Ukrainian children. Pavel Latushka and the entire team of the National Anti-Crisis Management have done tremendous work. Thank you to all Belarusians within the system who share valuable information with us.
The fourth priority is to help Belarusians in exile. Belarusians must not be equated with Russians, visa and other bans must not be introduced. After the new decree, thousands of Belarusians can be left without passports and documents. We are making sure that expired passports are recognized as valid, and longer residence permits are issued. And of course, we are preparing to issue the new, national Belarusian passport. The Heraldry Council has developed the design, Valery Kavaleuski is dealing with political and legal issues. The passport should not be symbolic but should receive practical international recognition.
The fifth priority is to strengthen the national identity of Belarusians. To popularize the Belarusian language, the real history. Create more online content in Belarusian and about Belarus. Open schools abroad and launch remote education projects for those in Belarus. Work with large tech companies, seek support for the Belarusian language. We have already established successful cooperation with Google and Microsoft.
The sixth priority is information and educational work. We must counter the propaganda. Create channels for spreading true information. Cooperate with independent media and bloggers. Promote the European alternative among Belarusians. We must fight for public opinion, explain what is happening in Belarus, why the regime's policy is leading the country to a dead end, and what alternative we offer.
The seventh priority, and perhaps the most important, is to protect the independence of Belarus. The threat to our sovereignty has never been so acute. We are pushing for the withdrawal of Russian troops and nuclear weapons. We are working on organizing hearings in the UN Security Council. We will create an international coalition in defense of Belarusian independence. We will strengthen the agency of Belarus – our agency – in the international arena.
Dear members of the Coordination Council,
You represent various organizations of civil society, and I ask you, together with your organizations, to get involved in the work of democratic forces as much as possible. Take responsibility for individual areas of work. Offer new ideas and solutions.
I expect that the Coordination Council will become a truly representative body of Belarusian civil society organizations and political parties. To achieve this, we need to hold elections for the next composition of the Coordination Council. Pavel Liber and the New Belarus platform are willing to develop all the necessary technical tools for this.
Elections in the Coordination Council could become an alternative to the regime’s elections in the fake parliament. We must not participate in Lukashenka's elections as they are illegal, but we must use them as an opportunity to talk about our alternative. We must conduct a public awareness campaign, promote our vision of the New Belarus, and show the contrast with what the regime is proposing.
I would also like to see more transparency in the work of the Coordination Council. Belarusians should know what issues the Coordination Council is discussing and what decisions it is making. It should include the wider public and expert community in its discussions.
Dear Belarusians inside the country,
Finally, I want to address you. I can only imagine how difficult it must be to continue your activities against the backdrop of terror. How difficult it is to wake up every morning expecting a visit from GUBAZiK [security forces]. But I ask you not to give up. Use this time for self-development. There are many opportunities for self-education. Find safe ways to express your disagreement. Look for like-minded people. Keep up the fighting spirit.
Only together – we will be able to finish what we started in 2020. We will definitely take back our country, our dignity, and our freedom.
Thank you. Zhyvie Belarus!
